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Wednesday, 30 September 2009
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Tuesday, 29 September 2009
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Saturday, 26 September 2009
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Kenyan parliament hailed for 'elbowing' anti-graft chief's re-appointment
Nairobi, Kenya - Kenya's civil society organisations have lauded Parliament's move to annul the unilateral re-appointment of Justice Aaron Ringera as Kenya's Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC) Director.
Sudan could owe south millions in oil revenue: report
JUBA, Sudan Sept 7 (Reuters) - Campaigners said on Monday they had found serious discrepancies in reports of Sudan's oil revenues which could mean Khartoum's government was underpaying its strifetorn south by hundreds of millions of dollars.
The findings by UK-based Global Witness could spark a political storm in Sudan, where relations between its Muslim north and mostly Christian south have remained tense since the end of their two-decade civil war in 2005.
Under the 2005 peace accord, both sides agreed to share the country's oil wealth, with the south receiving half the state revenues from the oil drilled from its territory.
Global Witness said it had found revenues from some oilfields published by Sudan's Ministry of Finance -- among the figures used to calculate the southern share -- were lower than revenues for the same oilfields published by operator China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).
No one from Sudan's Ministry of Finance or of Energy and Mining was immediately available for comment.
The study "raises serious questions about whether the revenues are being shared fairly," said a statement by Global Witness, a group which campaigns against conflict and corruption related to natural resources.
"Mismatches of this magnitude represent potentially massive sums of money."
Global Witness campaigner Rosie Sharpe told Reuters in an email the extent of the discrepancy varied from field to field and year to year "but is of the order of 10 percent".
The group's statement said a total undercount of 10 percent since 2005 would mean "the southern government would be owed more than $600 million."
TIMING SENSITIVE
Sharpe told Reuters the findings did not necessarily mean the Khartoum government was cheating the south out of money.
"It could be that it is the oil company that overstates the figures, although the figures do come from their annual report, an official publication of a multi-billion dollar company."
Sudan currently pumps some 500,000 barrels of oil a day, much of it found in the south.
The findings come at a sensitive time for Sudan, which has national elections scheduled in April 2010 and a referendum on southern independence in 2011. Any return to conflict would have a disastrous impact on Sudan and the surrounding region.
The south's former rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) is part of the coalition government in Khartoum set up under the peace deal. But the SPLM has accused its northern coalition partner, the National Congress Party, of manipulating oil figures, particularly in contested border areas.
The Global Witness report titled "Fuelling Mistrust: the need for transparency in Sudan's oil industry" said researchers found a 9 percent discrepancy between government and company estimates for production in 2007 from Sudan's blocks 1, 2 and 4, run by the CNPC-led Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company.
In 2005, Global Witness said there was a 26 per cent difference between government and CNPC reports for blocks 1, 2 and 4, combined with block 6, also controlled by CNPC.
The study found a discrepancy of 14 percent for 2007 figures from blocks 3 and 7, operated by the CNPC-dominated Petrodar.
It said it had not found significant discrepancies for oilfields in north Sudan, from which Khartoum does not have to pay revenues to the south.
Global Witness said there was also a lack of transparency in how Sudan's national government deducted money from southern revenues for pipeline fees and marketing costs. (Editing by Andrew Heavens and Andrew Roche)
WHO LOSES IF THE KENYA ANTI CORRUPTION COMMISSION IS SHUT DOWN TODAY?
Although widely derided as an expensive toothless bulldog – and even as a fig leaf for the corrupt – the Kenya Anti Corruption Commission (KACC) is Kenya’s premiere statutory anti-corruption agency recognized as such by the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the African Union. It has been in operation since 2004 and has investigated among many other pending mega corruption Scandals; Goldenberg, Pending Bills, Land and public resource grabbing including Mau forest and Woodley estates, Anglo Leasing, Triton, the 2008-9 Kenya Maize Scandal, the Global Fund, NSSF, Euro Bank, Charterhouse Bank, the National Hospital Insurance Fund, the international tracing of assets of Moi regime figures a.k.a. the Kroll & Associates KTM Report, fraud in local authorities and false expense claims by scores of Public Officers including Members of Parliament.
We are not fans of the KACC and are indeed viewed by KACC as among its harshest critics because repeatedly over the last four years we have pointed out its flawed strategy and its exaggerated claims of success in asset recoverys. Nevertheless, we are convinced that throwing the baby out with the bathwater cannot be the solution for dealing with Executive impunity in the matter of President Kibaki’s Gazette Notice “re-appointment” of the Directorate of the KACC.
Among those condemning the President’s Gazette Notice, as illegal for side stepping the advice and recommendation of both the KACC’s Advisory board and the Nation Assembly, are the immediate former Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee for Justice, Paul Muite, a former chairman of the KACC Advisory Board, Ahmednassir Abdullahi and the former Minister for Justice and Constituional Affairs, Martha Karua.
The Gazette Notice was apparently withheld from parliamentarians for days and was only produced after a motion of Adjournment by the Government had been roundly defeated by a back and front bench rebellion. The National Assembly now appears ready to vote not only for the rescission of the Gazette Notice but to go further to amend the Anti Corruption and Economic Crimes Act and starve the KACC of financial resources and operational autonomy.
Parliament could be making an innocent mistake! We urge Parliament to consider that KACC as it faces its uncertain future this afternoon during debate in the National Assembly REMAINS IN POSSESSION OF A GREAT DEAL OF EVIDENCE OF GRAND CORRUPTION IN KENYA. We are surprised that no one in Government or elsewhere is voicing any concern about the fate of the evidence and open case files of the KACC should Parliament draw the knife against KACC. Past experience suggests that if the need arises the evidence and case files of the KACC will be handed over to either the Attorney General or the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs. In December 2000, a court ruling (Stephen Mwai Gachiengo & Albert Muthee Kahuria v. Republic, Misc. Application No. 302 of 2000) declared that the Kenya Anti Corruption Authority (KACC’s predecessor) was unconstitutional and it took 4 years to reestablish an official anti-corruption agency. During this period all files of the KACA were with the Attorney General and the Kenya Police and there was no forward movement at all on the fight against corruption - the investigations and pending prosecutions stalled completely. Those with longer memories will recall the Attorney General’s promise on December 29th 2000, soon after the demise of KACA, that all the cases that had been instituted by KACA and which at that time were pending in court would continue; that all investigations that were commenced by KACA would be finalised. Those with foresight should expect similar statements should the KACC suffer a similar fate today.
HAS THE PENNY DROPPED YET? WHO WOULD CELEBRATE THE DEATH OF THE KENYA ANTI CORRUPTION COMMISSION?
Grand corruption scandals occur frequently in Kenya but since the 1980s the scale of grand corruption scandals escalated. What follows is a list of some of the major grand corruption scandals and the potential loss – worth half a trillion shillings whose trails may go cold if Parliament’s ill advised broad-sweep action against KACC succeeds. None of them have been seriously pursued despite the plethora of available evidence for prosecutions and complete asset recovery. Close KACC carelessly and risk losing all the following evidence of grand corruption in Kenya; and guaranteeing the perpetrators impunity for the foreseeable future, and breathing space to cover their tracks.
Source: MARS GROUP
TEMA OIL REFINERY TO BE SOLD
Even though government officials had for several months denied the allegation of plans to offload TOR, documents chanced upon by DAILY GUIDE reveal that the state-owned property is at the verge of losing that status.
This intention was made known by the Minister for Finance and Economic Planning, Dr. Kwabena Dufuor, recently in a document sent to the President.
According to the document, dated 7th September, 2009, and which was copied to the Chief of Staff, the Office of the President, and other stakeholders, the ministry has exclusively mandated Ecobank Development Corporation and Ecobank Ghana Limited (acting as transaction advisors) to prepare the way for what it called 'the eventual privatization' of the refinery.
The Mills Administration is struggling to recapitalise TOR, as it has not been able to import a drop of petrol for the company since it came to power, over-exposing its main creditors, Ghana Commercial Bank (GCB).
TOR owes GCB over GH¢900million, in addition to other liabilities to some other banks.
Attempts to import crude from Nigeria and Libya have hit brick wall, with President Atta Mills now turning his attention to Venezuela in South America.
The President, who is currently attending the United Nations General Assembly in New York, is expected to visit the oil-rich South American country, with cup in hand to beg for crude oil from President Hugo Chavez.
Kwesi Pratt, a friend of Hugo Chavez, has taken the lead to prepare the ground for President Mills in Caracas, DAILY GUIDE has learnt.
The 'sale' comes at a time when the country is gearing up to become an oil exporter in the next couple of years.
“Pursuant to Government's decision to restructure and capitalize the Tema Oil Refinery (TOR), the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning hereby grants Ecobank Development Corporation and Ecobank Ghana Limited (together referred to as 'Transaction Advisors) the exclusive mandate to assist MOFEP, Ministry of Energy (MOE) and TOR (the client) to undertake the assignment on the following terms and conditions and in accordance with the agreed timetable outlined in the Technical Assistance Proposal,” the letter said.
The scope of the mandate, given by the minister, include establishing and confirming the state of TOR, arrangement and syndication of $300 million to re-finance the refinery's debt, arranging for additional funds to make up for any financial gaps identified, as well as leading and managing the eventual privatization of TOR.
As part of the remuneration terms, TOR will pay Ecobank a total of $1 million in two installments, plus a success fee of 2 percent of the total amount raised.
A non-disclosure clause in the mandate letter further permits the transaction advisors not to publicly disclose whatever service or advise it provides, unless compelled by law.
TOR had been entangled in series of financial crises since 2007, for which reason the previous government reportedly contemplated privatizing it, but was shelved after the country discovered large volumes of crude oil later that year.
When the sale issue leaked into the media a couple of weeks ago, it was vehemently denied by politicians in the current administration, in spite of glaring indications that negotiations were far advanced to that effect.
The move was condemned by a number of politicians, including the NPP Member of Parliament (MP) for Asikuma Odoben Brakwa, P.C Appiah Ofori.
“TOR is the only refinery in the country, and as at now, the only legacy Ghanaians can claim to possess as the legacy of Osagefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah's dream of establishing Ghana as an industrial giant in Africa, besides the Akosombo hydro electric dam,” he wrote to Parliament.
Currently, only the Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) are keeping the wheels of the economy running by importing refined oil into the country.
Ecobank Development Corporation is the investment branch of a Lome-based lending company, and was co-adviser on Ghana's $750 million sovereign bond, and the lead adviser in the sale of Ghana Telecom (GT) to Vodafone.
By Bennett Akuaku
GHANA: NDC in massive bribery scandal
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GHANA: 3 Top NDC Officials Took Bribes--UK Court
British firm Mabey and Johnson convicted of bribing Ghana politicians
BAE the next target as bridge-building firm becomes first major British company to be convicted of foreign bribery
The bridge-building firm, Mabey and Johnson, is the first major British company to be convicted of foreign bribery. Many of its contracts were financially supported by the British taxpayer.
The conviction by the Serious Fraud Office comes as the fraud agency turns its attention to a bigger target, BAE, Britain's biggest arms firm.
The SFO has given BAE until Wednesday to decide whether to bow to an ultimatum and agree to some version of a plea bargain over long-running corruption allegations.
Richard Alderman, the agency's director, has put his credibility on the line, and, according to Whitehall sources, is committed to asking law officers for consent to prosecute the arms giant if it fails to accept multimillion-pound penalties.
Today, at Southwark crown court, London, John Hardy QC for the SFO, revealed the names of 12 individuals in six countries alleged to have received bribes from the Reading-based Mabey and Johnson.
He said the company paid "a wide-ranging series of bribes" totalling £470,000 to politicians and officials in Ghana.
He identified five who travelled to Britain to collect sums of money from £10,000 to £55,000 from bank accounts in London and Watford.
Ministers and officials in Angola, Madagascar, Mozambique, Bangladesh, and Jamaica were also bribed, Hardy told the court.
Hardy said that over eight years, the firm gave £100,000 "to buy the favours" of Joseph Hibbert, a key Jamaican official in awarding contracts, one of them worth £14m.
The court was told how the firm, owned by one of Britain's richest families, paid bribes totalling £1m to foreign politicians and officials to get export orders valued at £60m to £70m through covert middlemen.
The Mabey family built up a fortune of more than £200m by selling steel bridges internationally.
The company also broke UN sanctions by illegally paying £363,000 to Saddam Hussein's government in 2001-2.
This first conviction has been hailed as a landmark by the British government, which has been heavily criticised for failing to prosecute any British firm for foreign bribery. Campaigners said the failure rendered the 1997 pledge to crack down on corrupt exporters worthless.
The firm will pay out more than £6.5m, including fines and reparations to foreign governments.
It pleaded guilty to corruption in a pioneering deal with the SFO. It is the first time the agency has concluded a US-style plea bargain with a firm accused of corruption overseas.
The company said it had reformed itself, stopped making corrupt payments, and got rid of five executives. Timothy Langdale, the firm's QC, said: "This is a new company. It is not the one which made these payments."
The SFO investigation continues to look into whether individuals should be prosecuted.
Overseas politicians and officials named as recipients of bribes from Mabey and Johnson. The countries and the individuals who received the bribe payments are as follows:
Ghana
Ato Qarshie (former roads minister) £55,000
Saddique Bonniface [minister of works] £25,500
Amadu Seidu [former deputy roads minister £10,000
Edward Lord-Attivor (chairman inter-city transport corp) £10,000
Dr George Sepah-Yankey (health minister) £15,000
Madagascar
Zina Andrianarivelo-Razafy (permanent representative at the UN) £5000
Lt-Col Jean Tsaranasy (former public works minister) £33,000
Jamaica
Joseph Uriah Hibbert [former works minister) £100,0000
Angola
Antonio Gois (former general manager state bridges agency) $ 1.2 m
Joao Fucungo (former director state bridges agency) $13,000
Mozambique
Carlos Fragoso (former head of DNEP, directorate of roads and bridges) £286,000
Bangladesh
Khandaker Rahman (chief engineer, roads & highways dept)
Source: guardian.co.uk © Guardian News and Media 2009