Uganda: Yoweri Museveni's speech to Parliament on Buganda Riots

Rt. Hon. Speaker of Parliament

H.E. the Vice President

His Lordship, The Hon. The Chief Justice

Rt. Hon. Prime Minister

Hon. Ministers

Hon. Members of Parliament

Ladies and Gentlemen

I greet all of you.

I would like to use this occasion to extend my condolences to the Ugandan families who lost their loved ones on account of the riots fomented by reactionaries who have learnt nothing from our tragic history. I also extend my sympathies to those who were injured in these riots and those who lost their properties.

I ask all of you to stand up and observe a- minute-of-silence to remember our dear ones who lost their lives.

This is the third time these elements are causing riots, killing Ugandans and damaging property. In 2006, Dr. Besigye caused riots and destroyed property. Other riots were caused by Hon. Betty Anywar over the Lugazi Sugar project. That time, we lost some people. This time, these riots have been caused by the same opposition opportunistic elements, using the Mengo Kingdom. These have resulted into the deaths of 15 Ugandans, destruction of property, disruption of businesses and disturbing our peace. The Security forces always contain those criminal actions. I would like to appeal to the Judicial Arm of the State to give priority to the trial of the criminals that have been engaged in these actions. It is not correct to give bail to this type of people. Why does a political leader, like Besigye, or any other leader, promote riots? There are legal ways available in the Constitution to deal with any eventuality. If, for instance, Mengo Kingdom thought that our (NRM) stand on stopping the Kabaka or the Katikkiro from going to Kayunga was wrong, they should have gone to court to present their grievances instead of promoting criminality.

I visited Nateete area this morning and saw the damage that was caused by the rioters. I extend my sympathies, again, to those families who lost their dear ones and property. The Government will compensate those who lost their vehicles and other properties and will also assist those who lost their dear ones.

On the afternoon of Thursday, the 10^th of September 2009, when the riots started, the Police was slow in reaching the suburbs of Kampala. This was on account of insufficient vehicles. We are going to solve this in a decisive way; I would like to assure the country on this. The Police was quickly re-enforced by UPDF units from up-country and the rioting was stopped. Over 600 rioters have been arrested and are being produced in the courts of law.

I trust the courts will give them deterrent sentences. Meanwhile, those who have been using this blackmail of riots, should be informed that we have scrutinized the Police anti-riot procedures and the following will be the rules of engagement. The Security forces, when dealing with civilian demonstrations, are informed to use minimum, non-lethal force. However, be informed that any rioter found attacking other civilians will be shot. The ones who threaten the lives of the Security personnel will also be handled according to the Police procedures of anti-riot and the UN principles.

The Uganda Police Force, under our guidance, does not always use lethal force against illegal assemblies. However, when an illegal assembly is riotous, those who organize these assemblies or participate in them should know what, not only the law of Uganda, but also, international practices say. Provision 9 of the UN Principles on this issue says as follows (Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement officials):

“Law enforcement officials shall not use fire arms against persons except in self-defence or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury, to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life, to arrest a person presenting such a danger and resisting their authority, or to prevent his or her escape, and only when less extreme means are insufficient to achieve these objectives. In any event, intentional lethal use of firearms may only be made when strictly, unavoidable in order to protect life.”

The recent stand off between the Government and the opposition Political Parties, using Mengo, was not just about Kayunga or Buruuli tensions, because these are recent developments. The real issue is whether we should have political Kings – Kings wielding political power. This concept is totally rejected by the NRM because it is anti-democracy. The King is not elected. If he wields political power, how shall he be accountable for his mistakes? A political leader, since he/she is elected every 5 years, will be voted out if he/she makes mistakes. What do we do with a traditional leader who is not elected but has made mistakes? That is why we made it clear to those who were agitating for Kingdoms that those traditional leaders had to only be cultural – to deal with our languages and customs that are not well addressed by the modern institutions.

Working with some academicians, I am about to publish a Runyankore dictionary and a thesaurus. I am now editing the drafts. The traditional leaders have a lot of work to do in the area of traditional morals – e.g. not marrying our kith and kin contrary to the respective customs as one of the traditional chiefs from Busoga said recently, etc. This was the reason why I supported and spearheaded the return of the Kingdoms. Our support for the Kings was not intended to revive ancient undemocratic governance. It was aimed at finding a way of retaining elements of our culture and languages that are compatible with the modern way of life.

Some people, like General Otafiire, have blamed me for having been the one that “went on my knees” and begged for the return of the Kingdoms, when I addressed the Army Council in Gulu in 1992, to authorize the vacating of the Lubiri barracks. That is true, because many of the Army Council members did not support the idea. I, however, insisted on persuading them, because I wanted to cater for the interests of the Ugandans that cherish monarchies. They would have been very disappointed, if we had not catered for their interests. Although, in the bush, we had not promised the restoration of the monarchies, we felt that it was part of the human rights of those who wanted them, to be assisted to get them. If some people misuse them, that will be their problem not mine.

The other day, I made a national broadcast to the people of Uganda and I do not want to repeat what I said then, about the sad history of monarchs trying to meddle in politics in Uganda. This was the problem in 1953, when the British colonialists were still here; it was also the problem in 1966, although Obote also had his own mistakes of not following the Constitution as it, then, was in resolving that problem. We are totally against the Kings being involved in politics. The Kings failed to defend the sovereignty of Africa. That is why we were colonized. The colonization of Africa was a vote-of-no-confidence in tribalism and the pre-colonial Kings. Africa failed to defend herself because of tribalism and tribal political organization. Modern Africa must transcend and discard tribal organization. Yes, we were the first to recognize the cultural rights of the peoples; but those should never translate into tribal organization and tribal mentality. All our modern organization should be constructed around legitimate interests of the respective peoples.

As I mentioned at the Peace Conference of the Religious Leaders recently, those legitimate interests are: peace; security; health; education; employment; access to the local market, the regional market, the African market and the market of the rest of the world so that we can sell the products of our sweat; the freedom of voting and other political rights; the freedom of worship; the security of property; etc. Intimidations and manipulations are not part of those legitimate rights. These are pollutants.

Some have wondered why I agreed to talk to the monarchs, who are not in politics, about issues that are political in nature such as the status of Kampala, the Land Bill, federo, etc. Why did I not deal only with the elected leaders of Buganda? This is a good point in the main. It is correct to work with the hundreds of elected leaders of Buganda: Members of Parliament (MPs), LCV-chairpersons, LCIII-chairpersons, etc. That is exactly what we did when we promulgated the 1995 Constitution and the amendments of 2005 that brought in Article 178. We caucused on all these issues and, then, went to the districts to get council resolutions since the requirements of some of the Articles entailed two thirds majorities in a certain number of districts. However, it was true that we always consulted the Kings or their emissaries. Was I wrong to do so? Was I involving the Kings in politics by doing so? This reminds me of the example of modern Ugandan marriages. Marriage in Uganda, legally, is a union between a man and his wife. These are the legal partners. I do not think that we have a law in Uganda which says that a girl or boy must consult their parents before they get married; however, they do. I was looking at the issue of the Kings in a somewhat similar manner. It is not the duty of Kings to decide on the land law, federo, foreign affairs, etc. It is the duty of the Executive, Parliament, the district councils, etc. However, I thought there was no harm in informing the Kings.

Some of the Kings have been, contrary to our original agreement, giving an incomplete view of our history. I am, myself, what they call sewava in Buganda, a son of a princess because my mother and even my grandmother were from the Royal clans. Besides my clan, the Basiita, were very active in the histories of Bunyoro, Tooro, Ankole, Mpororo, Karagwe (in Tanzania), etc. I am, therefore, quite familiar with the history of Uganda and the surrounding regions.

Before the emergence of the present dynasties (the Kabakas, the Babiitos, etc), Uganda had become one Kingdom when Ruyonga and Ishaza formed an alliance, through the marriage of the former’s daughter, Nyamate, to the latter. Ishaza and Nyamate produced Isimbwa (Simbwa among the Baganda). Isimbwa succeeded Ruyonga and his capital was in Bigo-Bya-Mugyenyi in the present day Sembabule. Isimbwa, eventually went to Bunyoro and produced a boy child with Nyinamwiru, Bukuku’s daughter. The boy was the famous Ndahura (Ndawula in Luganda). Isimbwa went to Bukiri (Lango, Acholi). He, later, abdicated to his son Ndahura. By this time, Ankole, Buganda, Bunyoro, Bukiri were one Kingdom, under Ndahura. One of the Bachwezi Kyomya had children with a Mukiri woman, Nyatwooro, daughter of Rabongo. The children were: Nyarwa, Isingoma, Mpuga Rukidi, Kato Kimera Kintu and Kiiza. These legends may not be exact in terms of details. They, however, give a general outline of the linkages of our peoples. The shared Bachwezi names say it all: Isimbwa, Ndahura (Ndawula), Kagoro, Mukasa (Mugasha), Kyomya, Wamara, Mugyenyi, etc. Archaeology confirms this history. The excavations at Bigo and Ntutsi confirm that there were huge settlements on those sites by 1350 AD and 900 AD, respectively. There were huge cities there (Endembo). Who were the Kings there? Certainly they are not the present dynasties of Buganda, Bunyoro or Ankole. Who, then, were they? When we restored the Kings, it was our expectation that the cultural institutions would delve into these obvious linkages among our peoples instead of promoting chauvinism. In the national objectives in the Constitution of Uganda it says:

“All organs of state and people of Uganda shall work towards the promotion of national unity, peace and stability.” It further says: “Every effort shall be made to integrate all the peoples of Uganda while at the same time recognizing the existence of their ethnic, religious, ideological, political and cultural diversity.”

It is, therefore, clear that all national assets should be used to promote unity instead of promoting chauvinism. The cultural institutions should teach the holistic history of pre-colonial Uganda instead of teaching just parts.

What is the way forward? The way forward is that we need to do the following:

1. Strictly enforce the principle of separating cultural institutions from politics. In order to do that, we are going to expeditiously bring a law that will operationalize Article 246 in greater detail so that the demarcation of roles is clear.

2. In order to guard our sovereignty, so that Kings and traditional institutions are not used as foreign agents or agents of local business groups, we need to provide, in that law, that any gifts exceeding a certain magnitude should be declared to the relevant government institutions e.g. the Inspectorate of Government. Failure to do so should attract penalties.

3. In order to stop the Kabaka and the Buganda Kingdom officials from meddling in politics, there should be a meeting of all the political leaders in Buganda, the religious leaders, the clan leaders and the royal clan members, to give their contribution to the way forward. This meeting could be called tabamiluka.

4. The NRM Government will implement the idea of the Regional Governments next Financial Year, without fail. We have waited for too long on this issue and we shall wait no longer. In order not to incur extra costs of electing Regional chairmen, we could have a transitional arrangement where the present councillors in the respective Regions could elect the Regional chairmen for the next one and a half years until the time of the general elections when they will be elected by universal adult suffrage.

5. The Mengo Radio, CBS, was closed because it was meddling in politics, fomenting sectarianism, promoting lawlessness and violence with impunity. Another reason why CBS was closed was because of the intimidation campaign it was carrying out. The Mengo officials have been trying to intimidate the political class in Buganda not to think freely. Anybody who gives frank and realistic opinions is branded “anti-Buganda,” “anti-Kabaka,” etc. Then this group proclaims that Kabaka tebamuddamu (you cannot answer back to the Kabaka) or that Kabaka tasobya (Kabaka never makes mistakes). Then, this makes the Kabaka to take certain positions that are wrong or anti-people, like his public position against our position on the land bill amendment. Then, any Muganda political leader who does not agree with such wrong positions, is branded “anti-Buganda,” “anti-Kabaka.”

I was amazed recently, during this standoff that the clan-leaders are not members of the Lukiiko. Yet these were our partners in restoring the monarchy and, of course, are the most legitimate in terms of culture; certainly more legitimate than those aspiring for political positions using Mengo. NRM is too experienced to be fooled by such transparent schemes. We mean what we say and say what we mean. It is advisable that everybody checks himself and sticks to the Constitution. That is what was agreed upon; that is how Uganda will be run.

Since Saturday, the 12^th of September 2009, at 2000 hours, I have been trying to ring His Highness the Kabaka without success. The ‘key’ for some of these issues are with him. On our side, we are determined this time to ensure that the Constitution is observed by all – Kings inclusive.

6. If the problems persist, there are a number of other steps and measures the Government will take to resolve this matter once and for all time.

We have got more important challenges affecting our country. We cannot be here talking about Kings only. There are serious issues affecting the majority of the people. On this occasion, I will mention only three:

· unemployed youths;

· the Land Act and;

· corruption.

The youths are yearning for employment and the NRM is now in a position to address this problem. The NRM, long ago, told you of its Point No. 5 of the 10-Points Programme – building an independent, integrated, self-sustaining national economy.

Some of the actors have not been active on this. Yet it holds the future for modernization. We have Prosperity for All (PFA). However, some of the youths cannot be absorbed in PFA because they have no land. The answer to their problem is, therefore, artisanship, cottage industries and Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs). Work, for sometime, has been done on some of these: Wine-making, cheese-making, juice-extraction, rice-hurling, milk-processing, silk-rearing and weaving, handloom-weaving, bread-baking, flour-milling, fruit-drying, wood-work, welding, poultry, tailoring, spice-processing, pottery, etc. Recently, chalk-making and curving articles out of horns have been added. These unemployed, landless youths are a blessing (in disguise). They are the beginning of a proletariat and lower middle-class groups. We should ensure that each trading-centre in Uganda has some of these activities and the respective youth groups benefit from these efforts. Money for this is not a problem. The money we are spending on National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) this year is 134.2 billion Uganda shillings. Has it been well used? This is not to mention the other monies – Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP), Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF), Peace Recovery and Development Plan (PRDP), etc. Can we fail to get 30 billion Uganda shillings from all these monies to support these cottage industries of the youths? I do not think so. This is the beginning of the industrialization. I have already directed the Minister of Industries to ensure that everything that is produced in the agricultural sector that is not eaten fresh, should be processed. The youths can be very active in this sector. However, we should not continue to think about this effort in disjointed ways. Some of the cottage industries only rely on manual labour. However, others need electricity; hence, the importance of electrifying the whole country so that we have cheap electricity. Otherwise, all SMEs that need electricity will fail.

What happened to the 22 industrial Estates which we agreed on? How far have they gone? Ideologically, the youths need to know that their enemies are those who delay the industrial projects – e.g. Lugazi and Amuru sugar projects, the milk project from Thailand, Karuma power project, etc. The youths need to fight those forces politically.

Parliament needs to pass the land amendment Act so that the friction between the bibanja-owners and the landlords is stopped. Of recent, the bibanja-owners have started taking the law in their hands by killing landlords. This is, in part, caused by those including CBS, that caused the delay of passing the land bill. I condemn that violence of the bibanja-owners taking the law in their hands. However, the bibanja-owners have been emboldened by our mobilization and the formation of the bibanja-owners associations. I am appealing to Parliament to complete the law as soon as possible. I am also looking at even better long term option. In recent times, I have been in touch with some landlords, who, rather than being in permanent tension with the bibanja-owners, would like to sell the mailo-titles to the Government and the Government, then, gives the land-titles (obwananyini) to the legal bibanja-owners. I have already used this system in Ankole, in the Ishaka area, to solve the problem decisively in a win-win way. The landlord gets very good money and the bibanja-owners get titles. If there is still vacant land, not occupied by bibanja-owners, then the mailo-owner can use the money to develop it. If there are any mailo-owners who are interested in this solution, they should contact the Minister of Lands. It is better for the mailo-owners to sell to Government than to sell to private developers who try to evict people. However, these better long term solutions need the stability that will be put in place by the proposed amendment.

On the issue of corruption, I am glad to tell you that the NRM was able to repair the economy of Uganda, attract new investments, repair the old ones and, therefore, started collecting more taxes. Therefore, we send a lot of money to districts. Unfortunately, quite a lot of this money is stolen by the corrupt officials. Fortunately, I have now identified some of these thieves – those who steal money, fuel, drugs, over-price contracts, etc. Very soon you will hear of causalities.

I have appointed a Judicial Commission of Enquiry into the alleged corruption in the Education sector and also created a drug-theft inspection unit in my Office. Very soon you will hear of causalities in many of these areas. I will also create a road inspection unit soon.

In order to mobilize our people, all over the country, to understand this confusing situation, I am directing the Minister in-charge of the Presidency, through Government channels, to buy bicycles for all the LCI-chairpersons. We have already equipped the LCIIIs and Gombolola-chiefs. Where there are disputes over which LCI-chairperson to equip, new or old, it maybe better to give both. The Ministry of Information should also intensify sensitizations.

In conclusion, this time, we shall involve the elected leaders of Buganda in resolving quickly any contentious political matter and be the vanguard of dealing with any unclear issues. We shall encourage the involvement of the Religious leaders as well as the clan leaders. I also await a response from Kabaka Mutebi. Security is assured now; enough units have arrived in Kampala to ensure that security is guaranteed. Nobody should fear. The numbers of the Police force and, if necessary, the Army will be re-enforced. Inform them of any trouble-maker or inform the political leaders you trust. They will take it up.

I thank you so much for listening to me.

Fulfilling Africa’s Economic Dreams

Part I: Africa Must Achieve Political Stability First Before Economic Development

The greatest threat to the economic development of Africa is political instability. Political stability is the foundation of economic development; it is the magic bullet and the magnet that holds all other activities in a country together; and provides the avenue for investment, job creation and raise the necessary revenue needed to fight poverty and diseases. It is an indisputable fact that Economic development thrives well in atmosphere of peace and tranquillity. 

However, since independence many of the countries in Africa have known only wars, coups, dictatorships and violence. This cycle of wars, coups, dictatorships, violence and political instabilities has established the continent as a no go area for investors. Africa scores badly among investors as a place where the risk of investment is high and where businesses are done contrary to norm. Such concerns are largely informed by the anarchy in Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Northern Uganda, Guinea, Mauritania and the dictatorships in Gabon, Libya, Equatorial Guinea, Zimbabwe and many other places. 

It is also informed by the violence in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Nigeria and the tensions in Ivory Coast. Such instabilities, wars and election violence seen in Africa are the major reasons why investors shy away from the continent; capital flight is high and the confidence of those with investment in the continent continue to wane. At the moment about $150b leave the continent annually due in part to the political stalemate in Sudan, Chad, DRC, Niger Delta, Northern Uganda, and the Great Lake Region. 

The chaos, confusion and violence that always characterise elections create an atmosphere that only work to isolate the continent as attractive destination for investment and are the reasons why the continent is seen as the most expensive place in the world to do business. All these instabilities do not help the image of the continent and is a factor why endemic poverty is rampant.

Therefore to ensure investor confidence, promote and sustain economic development and growth, there should be a complete political stability in the whole of the continent. Without political stability it is impossible to achieve any economic development and fight poverty. It is a fact that you cannot rebuild your house while it is still in flames and so African countries must ensure they get stability first before talking about economic development. How do you construct roads in war zones or build a factory in militarised territories? Political stability is the homework African countries must do in order to achieve economic development. Establishing political stability through a democratic process is the magic bullet needed to defeat poverty. 

To achieve political stability there area a number of tough decisions Africans must make. First the leadership in the continent must realise that instability anywhere is a threat to stability everywhere. Therefore they must work together to eliminate all those factors that act as magnet to engineer and fuel the instabilities. 

Tyrannical rule, civil wars, and military adventurism must give way to democratic governance. It is the only way that can bring stability to the continent and prepare her for the economic development that has eluded her peoples for decades. Political stability is highly compatible with economic development; a disruption of one is a disruption of the other. Democratic governance is the political path Africa must chart if it is to prepare itself for economic development and social progress in this 21st Century and beyond. 

This therefore calls for an end to dictatorial rule in all parts of the continent especially in Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Congo, Libya, Egypt and Zimbabwe where few people, their families and cronies have hijacked their countries and taken the people hostage. 

All undemocratic leaders and tyrants must be made to understand that the days of unchecked power and despotic rule are over. The current situation where Gaddafi, a dictator is calling for a federal Africa is totally unacceptable. The only acceptable way is for all leaders including Gaddafi, Obiang Nguema, and Blaise Campore to make themselves available for free and elections if they wish to serve the people and I mean serve the people not to be served by the people. All leaders in the continent must be reminded that they do not own their countries and the resources in them. The claim by Mugabe that “Zimbabwe is mine” should be condemned unequivocally. 

The stability also calls for an end to all civil conflicts, military interventions and armed rebellious currently seen in Sudan, Uganda, DRC, Guinea, Mauritania, Chad, Nigeria and Ivory Coast. Use must be made of the few Africa role models in the continent like Joachim Chissano, Kofi Annan and Desmond Tutu to mediate to bring an end to the conflicts in Darfur, Somalia, Northern Uganda, DRC and all the troubled parts of the continent. They should also encouraged the dictators and kleptocrats to loose their grip on power; allow free and fair elections and return all the funds they have looted. All parties including individuals and groups with grievances must be encouraged to seek redress from the Africa Court of Justice instead of rushing to take up arms. 

The current state of political unrest in Africa is in nobody’s interest not governments, opposition parties or the people and that is the more reason why democratic reforms must be spearheaded in countries where people have fewer political rights and cannot democratically change their leaders. People must be given the chance to elect their own leaders. 

There should be a level playing field for the ruling governments and opposition parties so as to avoid allegations of vote rigging that are major cause of instabilities and violence in Ivory Coast, Kenya, Zimbabwe and Somalia among others. To ensure this there should be financial support to political parties and all must have unrestricted access the state media. Again election observers must be allowed without any restriction to observe elections and make their own assessments without pressure from any quarters. 

The AU and the sub regional bodies such as ECOWAS, SADC, EADC, COMESA, AMU and ECCA have a major role to play in ensuring the stability. The AU leaders must be reminded that instability anywhere is a threat to stability everywhere. The days where few individuals take over power and do what they like without the AU or sub-regional bodies saying or doing anything must end. Therefore, the Charters of AU and sub regional bodies should be implemented to the letter and all those who violate the charters should be punished severely. All clauses that limit the bodies from criticising or having greater role to play in times of crisis should be removed. The democratic countries in the continent should work closely together and encourage the less democratic ones to adopt reforms with the aim that Africa stands to gain more from being democratic than being under dictatorships. Therefore all nations must be encouraged to ratify and implement the New Partnership for

Africa Development (NEPAD) charter. 

In addition each country should have a constitution that caps or stipulates a fixed term of office for political office holders and that fixed term should be adhered to even if a candidate is a messiah.

The current situation in Algeria and Tunisia where both presidents have changed the constitution in order to run for a third term of office and in Nigeria where Olusegun Obasanjo tried unsuccessfully to run for a third term is very unfortunate for and must be discouraged at all a cost for it is such actions by African rulers that have brought wars, coups and mayhem to however a peaceful people. Such actions only fuel corruption, nepotism, cronyism, abuse of power and mistrust between the ruling and opposition parties and serve as breeding ground for coups, civil unrest and political instabilities.

Even though the number of armed conflicts has gone down compared to a decade ago, the continent is still prone to instabilities and giving such a political climate, it is obvious that political stability will not be possible without an African Military High Command with powers to crisis, emergencies and crash any rebellion, arms insurgence that may show its ugly head in the Africa political scene. The establishment of AMHC should be done on condition that all leaders will submit themselves to the rigour of elections and allow their people to choose whoever they want to lead them without intimidation, threats or whatsoever. 

Tyrannical rule and military regimes are highly incompatible with the establishment AMHC and therefore all effort must be made to ensure that democracy is respected and that leaders are not forced on the people. Already the Southern Africa Development Community has created what they call SADC Brigade and it is beginning to make impact in the region.

The Pan-Africa Parliament should be fully resourced to deal with issues affecting the continent more importantly corruption, poverty, environmental degradation and political instabilities. Laws enacted by parliament must be binding on all members and countries that frown on the laws must be severely sanctioned. 

The Africa Court of Justice must be made the highest in the continent with powers to settle disputes between and within countries. It must be a court of last resort in the continent. Africans cannot build a just society without a strong media and without contribution of civil society organisations. The media, civil society organisations must be allowed to operate freely without fear of intimidation or attack and under no circumstances should a media house, NGO, and CBO be barred from operating in a country. Therefore in Sudan, Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea and in many other countries where the media and NGOs have been banned governments must be forced by the AU to let them in. 

Western political and business leaders must stop doing business with all the dictators, and coup makers the likes of Bongo, Obiang Nguema, Gaddafi, Mugabe and all those who have used undemocratic means to hold on to power. Sanctions and embargo targeting these leaders (not their people) should be enforced so as to force them to loose their grip on power. Western and Asia defence companies and contractors who illegally and irresponsibly ship arms to the continent to fuel the conflict and create instabilities for their own selfish interests must be identified and barred from doing any business in the continent. 

A democratic Africa free from tyrants, coups, civil wars is the single most important ingredient necessary for attaining economic development because it is an undisputable fact that development thrives in atmosphere of peace and tranquillity not hostilities, instabilities and tyrannical rule. There is no way Gaddafi who doubles as Chairman of AU and head of state of Libya could advice Mugabe or Mwai Kibaki to accept election defeat when he (Gaddafi) has been a dictator for 39 years. There is no way Omar Bongo could advice Obiang Nguema when Bongo is the longest ruling head of state in the world. For Gaddafi and Bongo to offer any genuine advice they must relinquish power and allow free and fair elections to take place. 

Tyrannical rule, civil wars, and military adventurism must give way to democratic governance. It is the only way that can bring stability to the continent and prepare her for the economic development that has eluded her peoples for decades. Political stability is highly compatible with economic development; a disruption of one is a disruption of the other. This is the political path Africa must chart if it is to prepare itself for economic development and social progress in this 21st Century and beyond.

By Lord Aikins Adusei 

The Author is a Political Activist and Anti-Corruption Campaigner